NEW DELHI: Over a year ago, they were hailed as the generation that brought down a prime minister. Today, many of the young faces of Bangladesh’s 2024 uprising are confronting a harsher reality. Turning revolution into governance is tough. Tougher than leading a protest.The student-led National Citizen Party (NCP) emerged from the mass movement that forced Sheikh Hasina from power after a deadly crackdown. The uprising, sparked by anger over civil service job quotas and fuelled by outrage at police violence, spread rapidly across Dhaka and beyond. According to the United Nations, up to 1,400 people were killed, most in the security crackdown ordered by Hasina. The movement was celebrated globally as a rare, successful Gen Z revolt.But as national elections approach in February, the NCP is struggling to translate its moral authority into electoral strength. Opinion polls put the party at around six per cent support, far behind established players. Internal fractures, scarce resources and limited grassroots networks have exposed how thin the party’s organisational base remains.
Students shout slogan as they take part in a demonstration during the first day of non-cooperation movement at the Raju Memorial Sculpture, Dhaka University campus in Dhaka, Bangladesh, 04 August 2024. (PTI photo)
For many of its young leaders, the shift from agitation to administration has been disorienting. Some held advisory roles in the interim government that followed Hasina’s exit, hoping to shape what one activist described to the BBC as a “beautiful Bangladesh based on peace, equality, justice and fairness”. Instead, disappointment has set in.Rahat Hossain, 24, whose attempt to drag a wounded friend to safety during the crackdown went viral, told the BBC that the promise of the uprising feels unfulfilled. His friend, Emam Hasan Taim Bhuiyan, was shot and later died in hospital. Hossain himself was injured. For many like him, the revolution was deeply personal. Now, political compromise feels jarring.The NCP’s decision to form an alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami has intensified tensions. Party officials argue the partnership is pragmatic, aimed at leveraging Jamaat’s grassroots strength. “We were hoping to do a lot better,” Asif Mahmud, chairman of the NCP’s Election Committee, told the BBC, acknowledging the uphill battle. He insisted the alliance is not ideological but strategic.
Men run past a shopping center which was set on fire by protesters during a rally against ousted PM Sheikh Hasina (PTI photo)
Yet the move has alienated several prominent women in the party. Of the candidates Jamaat is allowing the NCP to field, only two are women, prompting resignations from senior female leaders who called it a “moral red line”. Critics within the movement say the gender imbalance betrays the inclusive spirit of the protests, in which women played a central role.At the same time, the ban on Hasina’s Awami League has reshaped the electoral field. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party is leading in polls and presenting itself as a liberal democratic alternative, while Jamaat has gained momentum, particularly among younger voters who do not see its 1971 legacy as decisive. With established parties filling the vacuum, the NCP risks being squeezed out.Business leaders and international partners are watching closely. Bangladesh’s garment industry, a pillar of the economy, depends on political stability. Uncertainty surrounding the Awami League’s exclusion and warnings of unrest add to the fragility.For the young revolutionaries, the dilemma is stark. Align too closely with older forces and lose their distinct identity. Stand alone and risk irrelevance. Whether the NCP becomes a durable political force or a fleeting product of upheaval will depend on whether it can build structures, articulate clear positions, and regain the trust of those who once marched behind it. The factors, for now, appear reasonably unattainable.ASLO READ | Bangladesh to vote tomorrow: What’s at stake for India, Pakistan and China
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